It was a difficult time. Everyone was unhappy with us — the authorities, the gangsters, and law enforcement. They had been doing so well together, peacefully co-existing at the expense of other citizens. And now some scribblers came on the stage to spoil this “heart-warming, idyllic situation.” So we had many enemies.
Sometimes I ask myself: how did we survive back then? First of all, nobody could believe that the paper was independent. Everyone thought some huge power was behind us. The gangsters thought the police supported us. The police thought that we were supported by the FSB (Federal Security Bureau, successor to the KGB) in Moscow. The FSB thought we were supported by some financial and political groups. Nobody could believe we were just a few journalists who had come together to do a newspaper.
On the other hand, we were underestimated at that time. Everyone thought: “What can this paper do? Talk is cheap.” To those who had power, everything seemed unshakable. They had four years of uncontrolled rule over the city ahead of them. Everyone was convinced that nothing depended on public opinion. What can some wretched little paper do alone?
They were wrong. And then it was too late to do anything because we had gotten big. And it was a lot more difficult to shut our mouth. The stronger we became, the more trust the readers had in us, the harder they tried to hit us. But it had already become easier for us to withstand those blows.
Gangsters Recognize the Freedom of Speech
In the beginning, there was this special feeling of an air of trouble surrounding THE TOGLIATTI OBSERVER. If the threats I had received from organized crime groups before were mostly indirect, on a good day gangsters were coming to threaten me in my very office. Representatives of a famous criminal Bashayev said they’d put a hole in the head of any of my journalists who would continue poking his nose into Bashayev’s business.
I asked them whether this was a threat.
For some time you could hear their brains softly rustling in my office. I guess they were wondering if I was secretly recording them on tape. Soon they said that this was certainly not a threat but that I should consider their advice and no longer write about Bashayev.
I responded by saying that I was deeply grateful for their moving concern about me and my journalists, but could not accept their proposal and that we would still write about their boss if warranted. However, if they could give me his number, I was ready to interview him for comments in case we had another article in the works, since every citizen has the right to express his point of view. The guys said they had to consult their boss but they’d come back if necessary. After this, they departed.
The next day we publicly addressed the prosecutor demanding to open a criminal case against Bashayev for threatening journalists. So far we have received no more threats from Bashayev.
After that time such communication with Togliatti’s criminal world occurred often enough. What amazes me is that according to our experience, gangsters are a lot more tolerant of free speech than, say, law enforcement. Most of the intimidation attempts by the mafia ended up with them admitting that journalists have the right to express their point of view.
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